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The American-Korean Friendship and Information Center and North Korean Public Diplomacy, 1971-1976

Title: The American-Korean Friendship and Information Center and North Korean Public Diplomacy, 1971-1976Cover Page
Author: Brandon K. Gauthier
Affiliation: Fordham University
Issue: Law & Order – Volume 6 Issue 1
Publisher: Yonsei University Press
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While scholars of the “new diplomatic history” have extensively analyzed the role of culture and ideology in the history of American foreign relations, the historiography of diplomatic relations between the United States and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) reflects a complete lack of understanding of the cultural, intellectual, and political narratives that have long shaped how Americans imagine North Korea in a domestic and global context. Specifically, historians have yet to consider how American attitudes about North Korea were increasingly informed by a transnational flow of ideas in the 1970s. With this understanding, this paper details the history of the American-Korean Friendship and Information Center (AKFIC) in New York City, a North Korean funded “anti-imperialist peace organization,” that sought to generate public support for the DPRK and force the withdrawal of American troops from the Korean peninsula. Utilizing interviews with former members of the group and its journal: Korea Focus, this paper makes two arguments: first, the DPRK used its close relationship with the AKFIC—alongside other “friendship societies” across the world—to harness the power of globalization for its own ends in the 1970s; second, members of the AKFIC sought to manipulate public anger over the Vietnam War and promote North Korean demands that US forces should withdraw from the Republic of Korea (ROK).

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The Practice of Duality: Why the Trans Pacific Partnership and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership are Competing Paradigms in Asia

Title: The Practice of Duality: Why the Trans Pacific Partnership and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership are Competing Paradigms in AsiaCover Page
Author: Dylan Stent
Affiliation: Graduate School of International Studies at Yonsei University
Issue: Law & Order – Volume 6 Issue 1
Publisher: Yonsei University Press
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A cursory look at Asia Pacific regionalism will leave any observer bemused. Why have competing paradigms continually developed in the region? How can such diverse states cooperate? The following paper will answer the following: why do the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) exist as competing paradigms in the Asia Pacific. It will propose that classical theories of International Relations cannot adequately answer how or why competing paradigms exist in the Asia Pacific. Instead they can only explain partial truths about their existence. Political theory has largely led to a stagnation of enlightening scholarship. Too often diametric debates are held with limited enlightening ideas being created. All too often debates on the TPP and the RCEP are framed in realist and liberal terms. Constructivism is also inadequate in explaining this phenomenon. Self-conscious norm creation preferred by such a theory seems rather superfluous in reality. Identity is no doubt important but the way constructivism proposes a creation of norms through deliberate process appears unfounded and superficial. Instead we must turn to sociology for an answer. I propose that if we go along the practice turn path we can further understand why regionalism is bifurcated in the Asia Pacific. Through a Bourdieuian exploration of the TPP and the RCEP it appears that divergent habitus is causing complementary regional building initiatives in the region.

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Brushed Past: US-CCP Relations, 1941-45

Cover PageTitle: Brushed Past: US-CCP Relations, 1941-45
Author: Jie Gao & Sean J. McLaughlin
Affiliation: Carroll University & University of Wisconsin-Whitewater
Issue: Law & Order – Volume 6 Issue 1
Publisher: Yonsei University Press
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This article explores the controversial “lost chance theory” that CCP leader Mao Zedong genuinely wished to build a working relationship with the Roosevelt and Truman administrations, but was rebuffed by short-sighted decision makers in Washington who passed on the opportunity to cooperate with China’s future ruler. The authors note key historiographical developments and explain the major arguments both for and against the lost chance theory before advancing a post-revisionist position that its opponents have in recent years inadvertently created the false impression that there was never any real possibility that Washington and the CCP might have built a positive working relationship during the war years, while the window for CCP-US cooperation was far more ephemeral than lost chancers understood. This paper argues that Mao’s wartime expressions of his desire to work with the United States were indeed sincere through to the end of 1944, however by the spring of 1945 cooperation had become an impossibility because the Roosevelt administration badly misread Jiang Jieshi’s ability to unite the country and clung to unfounded suspicions that the CCP would serve as an obedient Soviet proxy in East Asia.

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National Security Imperatives In An Era of Environmentally-Induced Conflicts, Population Displacements, and Political Disequilibria

Cover PageTitle: National Security Imperatives In An Era of Environmentally-Induced Conflicts, Population Displacements, and Political Disequilibria
Author: Joanna K. Rozpedowski
Affiliation: University of South Florida
Issue: Law & Order – Volume 6 Issue 1
Publisher: Yonsei University Press
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The emergence and incremental intransigence of global environmental degradation and climate change discourses into social sciences have, in recent years, provided a fecund ground for debate and analyses of wide ranging geopolitical ramifications the predicted climatic variations would present for national security and human well-being. It is commonly held that climate-induced crises, in the next two to three decades, will exacerbate already fragile relations between Sub-Saharan African, the Middle Eastern, and South and Southeast Asian states, destabilize regions, topple governments and issue in mass migrations, widespread pandemics, and food scarcity. The following study aims to closely investigate the security implications resulting from global climate change and explore the geopolitical dimension of the relationship between environmental degradation and armed conflict. In attempting to better understand the impacts the destabilizing climatic patterns may have on human and national security, the appraisal of available policy and strategic responses by governments, the military, and non-governmental actors, will be given due consideration.

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The US Drone Policy Under the Obama Administration: A Critical Appraisal

Cover PageTitle: The US Drone Policy Under the Obama Administration: A Critical Appraisal
Author: Cameron Gable
Affiliation: University of San Francisco
Issue: Law & Order – Volume 6 Issue 1
Publisher: Yonsei University Press
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The use of drones has increased exponentially under the Obama administration and now forms an integral part of the US government’s counterterrorism policy. However, the President’s extensive use of drones has been controversial and generated extensive debate and discussion in the US and abroad. This paper examines the factors that have propelled the Obama administration to use this strategy and its implications for American and international law as well as American foreign policy.

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The Way of Bureaucracy: A Critical Examination of Classic Comparative Bureaucracy Literature

Title: The Way of Bureaucracy:  A Critical Examination of Classic Comparative Bureaucracy LiteratureFALL2013 COVER OUT IMAGE
Author: Joel R. Campbell
Affiliation: Troy University
Issue: Changes & Transitions – Volume 5 Issue 2
Publisher: Yonsei University Press
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Introduction

Large bureaucratic organizations have become a key fact of life in modern polities. As bureaucracy has become an important concern in national politics, it has grown as a focus of comparative political analysis. Previous studies dealt with basics of bureaucratic organization in developed and developing countries, beginning with the theoretical insights of Max Weber, Robert Michels, and other early social theorists in the early twentieth century. Weber set the standard for viewing bureaucracy in terms of rational decision-making, hierarchical organization, and standard operating procedures. Over the past half century, a large body of writings has attempted to construct basic theories of bureaucracy. As a result, there is now an improved understanding of bureaucracy as a significant component of both politics practiced in the advanced industrial countries (AICs), especially Western European countries, and the process of political and economic development elsewhere. This paper looks at four critical classic works in the comparative analysis of bureaucracy in terms of their key contributions to early postwar political theory.

This article examines main ideas of this important classic comparative bureaucracy analysis literature. The authors’ arguments parallel one another and together suggest the main elements of mainstream thinking about bureaucratic organization in the late twentieth century. Downs sets forth a series of “non-obvious” hypotheses that provide heuristic tools for study of bureaucratic organizations. Auerbach, et al. considers the “generic behavior patterns” of bureaucrats across Western countries. Crozier focuses on the nature of bureaucratic organizations in France, and examines the general applicability of French experience to other countries. Harrison assesses the usefulness of a corporatist model, whereby a state sets up exclusive organizations to represent certain segments of society, such as business, labor, or farmers; this aids understanding how bureaucratic units of the twentieth century reacted to emerging social problems. The article also suggests that the changing nature of political and economic challenges in Western countries is altering the very nature of bureaucratic action and politics.

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Why has the Diaoyu/Senkaku Dispute been Intensified and What are the Possible Resolutions?

Title: Why has the Diaoyu/Senkaku Dispute been Intensified and What are the Possible Resolutions?FALL2013 COVER OUT IMAGE
Author: Eunsil Park
Affiliation: Yonsei University
Issue: Changes & Transitions – Volume 5 Issue 2
Publisher: Yonsei University Press
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The Diaoyu/Senkaku dispute is a territorial conflict between China and Japan, and there have been ups and downs over several decades. As China’s assertiveness has been increased from the late 2000s, much attention has been paid to the relationship between China and Japan. The issue is related with each state’s strategic, economic and symbolic interests, which makes the nature of the dispute complex. In this paper, it is argued that the growing tension between China and Japan is largely influenced by the changing international structure due to the rise of China, and the issue is reinforced by domestic politics as the politicians could utilize the issue as a political tool to gain public support based upon strong nationalism in China and Japan. There are three options available to resolve the conflict: military confrontation, the US intervention, and the international legal institution. These options will be critiqued with a meaningful analysis, and the paper suggests that a long-term resolution should be adopted by emphasizing the importance of public education and cooperative measures to develop the area for both states’ benefits after recovering mutual trust.

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